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What
is fashion? How do clothes signal identity? How is today's hyperglobalised
culture of consumption steering the fate of fashion? Davis explores
answers to these questions as a fashion-sociologist par excellence,
betraying a compelling story that threads the best theories on the
topic with a refined eye. The stories are illustrated with telling
anecodotes from the fashion world. Davis theorises a clothing code;
that fashion is fed on cultural tensions of gender, class, and sexuality;
and ponders that perhaps we are witnessing the end of fashion, defeated
at the hands of hyperglobalisation and pluralism.
Inspired
by the discourse of semiologists like Roland Barthes and Jacques
Lacan, Davis argues that behind clothing, there is a clothing
code -- a visual vocabulary, if you will. Each garment
carries with it many different meanings, and expresses itself differently
when viewed under differing contexts of social strata, and in combination
with other garments and accessories. But the clothing code is not
as explicit as the language code (not exactly true, but Davis should
be forgiven since he isn't a semiotician.). Whereas phonetics, syntactics,
and denotative semantics follow the dictates of grammar and the
dictionary, clothing is far more vague and cryptic. Davis says that
the clothing code is undercoded, and ambiguous,
especially when fashion is in a new cycle, when the meaning of the
code has not yet spread to the masses.
Fashion
therefore, represents the changing of this code. In the beginning
of a fashion cycle, the development of new codes or refinement of
the previous code represents an aesthetic code
-- it is beautiful precisely because it is new, not recognisable,
and thus defamiliarises us (cf. Jung's symbols,
Dewey's perceptual experience of art). Once this new code is popularised
through mass appeal (or, crass appeal, as one might joke),
it becomes utterly unaesthetic. The birthing of fashion in aesthetic
code and death in unaesthetic code gives some motivation for the
continuation of fashion from a consumptive perspective, but Davis
adopts a different theory as the premise of his book: that fashion
is adopted because it "fixes" the instabilities in the
collective social identity which tend to concern
male-female tensions, young-old tensions, and poor-rich tensions.
Davis calls these binary oppositions ambivalences.
What
is an ambivalence? Though dictionary usage pronounces ambivalence
to be an apathetic indecision between two things, this is clearly
not was Davis means. Davis is unclear in the book, but what I believe
he means is a cultural tension which develops along certain
identity polarities. To be sure, Davis's ambivalence is a tension,
a forlornness, in the collective social identity,
not a blase attitude! In our collective social identity (this notion
is incompatible with today's fragmented polycentrism, but Davis
is referring to 1700s-1980s), ambivalence tensions
structure our lives, and our collective subconscious
craves the articulation of ways to express repressed tensions. In
my analysis (ima), ambivalence tensions make fashion
a sort of cathartic art -- Art, because
it defamiliarises with new code, and cathartic, because it reifies
the expression of latent subconscious desires with garments.
Similarly, Davis views fashion as a Hegelian synthesis
over ambivalence dualities. Fashion's subject is thus the manipulation
of ambivalence tensions, taking them as the cultural "raw material"
for change. Ima, to push the metaphor further, trend forecasters
and fashion makers are thus psychoanalysts who have the pulse on
collective repression, but they also might as well be cultural anthropologists
because they can gage what to fashion next by examining parallel
fashion systems like underground music and art. Another way I like
to think of fashion is as an eventuality of the efficiency
of markets. Efficient markets are particularly good at
fleshing out and satisfying needs, and what fashion does is to anticipate
and satisfy subconscious needs. Emulation in the marketplace pushes
fashion cycles to be increasingly shorter too.
Davis
writes of three ambivalences: gender, status, and erotics. Davis
asserts that historically, ever since the end of the era of royal
courts, it has been okay for women to masculinise but not for men
to feminise. However, in more contemporary times, the masculinisation
of women needs to be symbolically qualified and
clarified, to forestall the discrediting of a masculinised women
as a lesbian. A person needs to demonstrate self-awareness
when mixing gender influences. Examples of symbolic qualification
are as follows: A woman wearing a male shirt has the shirt dramatically
oversized; A woman wearing a male uniform transmutates the uniform
with ruffles. All these qualifications add a desirable sense of
control, irony, paradox, and power to these fashions. Recently,
in the 1970s to 1980s, women have adopted man's business coat attire,
like the Chanel suit, and the inverted triangle suit, because they
desire the man-in-business-context's code of male=power=competency.
With
regard to status ambivalence, Davis points out that historically,
sociologists have been wrong to overly emphasize status as the driving
force behind fashion. Simmel had a trickle-down
theory for fashion, Veblen pointed to excessive expenditure, and
Bourdieu to status differentiation. Davis points to many features
of status ambivalence, such as rich-poor inversion. Coco Chanel
advised her clients to "dress like your maids," and to
"wear jewelry as if it were rubbish." Why do the rich
want to emulate the poor? Perhaps because they crave differentiation.
In emulating the poor, the rich are exceedingly careful and mindful,
even to a point where they make disingenuous mistakes
to avoid being too perfect (e.g. the unshaven look for men). Cerruti
said "There is nothing less elegant than to be too elegant."
The rich-poor inversion is an example of a game, like unlike in
game theory. In this game, new fashion reacts to previous fashions
through reflexivities, transcendences, with Hegelian interminability,
ad nauseum. The same code for the same garment will constantly change,
e.g. Blue Jeans once coded for independence and
honesty (Jeans from Genoan sailors), but were revived to code for
leisure and relaxation, and then was hijacked by designers to codify
a richey Bauhaus aesthetic, which then provoked
a neo-ascetic renaissance of purist protest with baggy jeans. The
designer label on the backs of jeans are an example of conspicuous
consumption, a major trend in fashion today.
A third
ambivalence is the erotic-chaste dialectic, a tension
in sexiness and chastity. This, unlike the other ambivalences, is
not an unfriendly tension. A friendly teasing tension in the dialectic
is equivocal to flirtatiousness, and manifests
in the highlighting and hiding of body parts. Davis
does not offer a theory on this but invests his writing to debunk
Flugel's Theory of the Shifting Erogenous Zone, which stipulates
that shifting erogenous zone propels fashion. According to Davis,
the theory is unsatisfactory because flirtation is more about individual
psychology than cultural tension, and different cultures have different
erogenous zones; furthermore, it doesn't prognosticate the cause
of the next erogenous zone. Davis does give an interesting anecdote
on shoes being the most compressed carrier of the erotic-chaste
dialectic. So your Minolo Blaniks and Jimmy Choos each precisely
convey your erotic-chaste social identity.
What
is the fashion cycle? Recalling that Davis has debunked Simmel's
trick-down status theory of fashion because it fails to account
for other ambivalence tensions, and also fails to account for polycentrism,
and pluralism. Davis props up Herbert
Blumer's collective selection theory as being better,
which states that collective taste is the active
force propelling the selection of the next fashion from a group
of competing candidates. The theory is sound because polycentrism
and pluralism can be seen as competing agents facing selection from
collective taste. Blumer's enunciation of collective mood
is commensurate to my point about fashion liberating unarticulated
collective desires. Davis' stages of fashion are invention (ideas
come from externalities, like street fashions, or the pulse of underground
culture), introduction (haute couture introduce vague themes, trend
forecasters articulate trends, fashion shows are a marketing device),
leadership (the avant-garde, luxury, and real people form a trifecta
of leaders), increased visibility (fashion houses and merchant selection
of fashion), and waning (crass appeal, saturation, boredom). There
is an interesting continuity condition on new fashions,
in that they cannot be too dissimilar to the previous fashion, lest,
their irony goes undetected. This makes me recall Richard Gregory's
principles of the gestalt and continuity in design.
The
focus of Davis's argumentation leads to a climactic question. Davis
ponders the end of fashion. It seems that there
exists a discourse trend focused on end of blank, and they
may all be seen as sympathetic to each other. For instance, Francis
Fukuyama's The End of History, argues that the
prevalence of democracy and hyperglobalisation has ended history.
The end of fashion is a similar ponderance.
What,
according to Davis, is killing fashion, precisely? Pluralism and
polycentrism are. Whereas from the birth of fashion in the courts
of the 1700s through the 1980s, fashion was largely coherent in
Western culture, it has begun to fragment quickly. One tell-tale
sign is the disappearance of anti-fashion. Anti-fashion was historically,
a protest of current dominating trends, but now, trends are so fragmented
into cultural and subcultural niches that there is no justification
or precision to anti-fashion. In fact, the likes of Gaultier have
even absorbed anti-fashion as a particular instantiation of an aesthetic.
There is no more dialectic for fashion-antifashion because polycentrism
and pluralism became better outlets for dissent. Also, fashion cycles
are so short nowadays that the 60s,70s, and 80s fashions go in an
out every couple of years, forming microcycles.
Pluralism has ended the once serial dialectic in gender, class,
and sex appeal. Fashion has spread from garments to many other systems,
consistent with my hypothesis that fashion is a symptom of efficient
markets. There
is reason for alarm about our current path. Pop culture and conspicuous
consumption is inherently shallow according to
fashion writer Kennedy Fraser. Is bad fashion driving out good art?
Perhaps so, as markets appeal more toward crass appeal. Davis suggests
that perhaps a populist model could be adopted
to describe pluralism. Today's fashion garments are instruments
of identity negotiation and used in symbolic profiling in an extreme
culture of materialism. Pluralism manifests itself
as competing dialects of dressing. What's interesting
now is not so much what new fashions are born, but how garments
are worn at the grass roots level. In the face of globalisation
is a populist backlash of localisation. So is fashion dead? Davis
says it's too early to tell.
articles
copyright (c) 2002-2004 by hugo@media.mit.edu.
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